MAX FRANKEL: EDITOR AND MENSCH

By Terence Smith

   Max Frankel, former editor-and-more of The New York Times, died last week at 94.  He was my friend, mentor and Washington Bureau chief back in the day. As the Times obit suggested, he was Old School, but Smart Old School. And there lies a tale…

   Back in the Dark Old Days of the Nixon Administration, in the early 1970’s, Henry Kissinger was the National Security Advisor and I was covering foreign policy for The New York Times in the Washington Bureau, headed by Max Frankel.  I’ve long forgotten the particular issue, but Henry (everybody called him Henry,) was incensed, really incensed, about something I had written. He complained to me, but more significantly, he called Max and demanded that he come to his office in the West Wing to hear him out.

   Max, to his everlasting credit, said he would only come with the reporter who wrote the story, saying, in effect, I’m not going to go behind Terry’s back. If you have something to say, Henry, you’ll have to say it to both of us.  Still pissed, Henry agreed.

   When we got to Henry’s sun-filled office in the northwest corner of the West Wing, I was asked to wait outside. Max and I refused and finally were admitted together. Henry let go with both barrels about what I had written, I defended it, he complained, basically, that it made him look bad, contained inaccuracies, etc. The argument went back in forth, with Max puffing on his pipe and smiling. 

   Finally, Henry paused and, raising his voice, turned and addressed Max directly, but in german, their common native language (both had fled Nazi Germany before WWII.) I knew about four words of german, so that effectively shut me out of the conversation.  

    Max took his pipe out of his mouth and laughed openly at the absurdity of the situation and said: “Henry, this meeting is over!” Henry, to his credit, laughed as well and we moved on. But Max had made his point: The New York Times was standing behind the story, and its reporter. Case closed.

IT’S ALL ABOUT… “THE DONALD.”

By Terence Smith

Call it the Retribution Express. Most, if not all, of President Donald Trump’s erratic, contradictory, chaotic initiatives in the first two months of his off-the-wall second term, aka Trump 2.0, can be understood by how they affect The Donald. It is non-stop score settling.
—Cancelling $400 million in federal grants to Columbia University? Ostensibly, it is about Columbia’s DEI programs and pro-Palestinian demonstrations. But trace the cancelation back to Trump’s very public dispute with Columbia when the then-real estate magnate tried to sell the University some Manhattan property at an estimated four times its worth. Columbia dismissed the proposed deal, publicly embarrassing The Donald. Check.
—Trump’s open admiration for Russia’s Vladimir Putin? On one level, the President simply admires dictators who get things done and exercise control the way he wants to here. On another, trace it back to Trump’s long-standing desire to get Putin’s backing for a Trump Tower in Moscow. Check.
—Lifting the security clearances for certain law firms and barring them from Federal buildings? Trump calls it “law fare” against him; the lawyers maintain they are being targeted for prior legal actions. Trace it back and you’ll find that the affected law firms challenged Trump in the past.
—Trump’s bizarre and utterly unworkable proposal that the U.S. take over Gaza, deport the Palestinian residents and redevelop the Strip into a high-end beach resort, aka “the Riviera of the Middle East.” Trace it back and you’ll find a similar proposal from Jared Kushner, his opportunistic son-in-law.
I could go on, but you get the idea. His actions are classic score-settling. Psychiatrists have diagnosed it as “malignant narcissism.”
Call it what you will. It is all about The Donald.

THE VIEW FROM OVER THE HORIZON

By Terence Smith

   The first chaotic weeks of the second Trump Administration were strange enough up close, but viewed from afar — in this case Argentina and Brazil over the last three weeks — they seemed beyond bizarre. 

   It was borderline impossible to explain to Argentines, for example, what was behind the mass firings,  the on-again, off-again U.S. tariffs and the talk of reclaiming the Panama Canal Zone and acquiring Greenland were all about. And Argentines know a thing or two about erratic leadership: their President, the curly-haired, chainsaw-brandishing Javier Melei, is a mini-Trump who is dismantling his own government, shaking up the Argentine economy and relishing the attention that comes with it. No surprise that Melei had a choice seat at the Trump inauguration and appeared, chainsaw in hand, with Elon Musk at the CPAC convention.  It made great TV in Argentina, as well.

   Trump’s embrace of Putin and dismissal of Ukraine were equally hard to explain to Brazilians. His proposal to push Palestinians out of Gaza and create “the riviera of the Middle East” brought dismissive laughs. Is he serious, they asked?

   They puzzled as well over Trump’s long-winded, error-filled address to the joint session of Congress, wondering aloud whey it sounded so much like a campaign speech. Isn’t the campaign over, they asked? Yes, I said, but…

   In the age of the internet and widespread wifi, all of this was instantly available in Rio. But, hey, Trump’s speech coincided with Shrove Tuesday, the height of Carnival! Brazilians had to party and party they did. The fantastical samba completion took precedence over everything. Trump’s eccentricities would have to wait.

   Back home after three weeks, the Trump madness was front and center again, more immediate and much more personal, but no less strange.